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0 of 2 found the following review helpful:
 Great read about the true father of the American Revolution Jul 26, 2009
I heard Harvey Kaye on Bill Moyers Journal and decided to read the book on my summer vacation. A true eye opener about the true father of the American revolution and how the polictics of personal destruction pre-date the 24x7 cable news cycle.
A great read about a great and doubt difficulat man.
Equal liberty for all (3.6*s) Jul 17, 2009
It is the position of the author that Paine was essentially the first well-known radical democrat in America, exported those views to both England and France in the 1790s, and has inspired those seeking to counter the forces of oppression ever since. Though Paine was a latecomer to the revolutionary cause in the colonies, having arrived only in Nov, 1774, there is little dispute that his pamphlet "Common Sense," 1776, was a break with a pattern of caution that many followed in regards to separation with England. His excoriation of the English government including the King, which reached vast numbers of colonists, was a huge factor in increasing revolutionary fever to a level sufficient for a formal Declaration of Independence only six months later.
This book is not a biography, per se, of Paine. The first third of the book follows the political part of his life. The author's first purpose is to demonstrate the significant influence that Paine's writings had on the revolutionary effort in America and in Europe. His sixteen "American Crisis" papers during the War helped to recharge American resolve during very trying times for the American military. "Rights of Man," 1792, was highly critical of the vast class disparities existing in British aristocratic society, which resulted in his conviction of sedition in absentia. "Age of Reason," written in France in 1795, denounced institutionalized churches "as human inventions, set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and monopolize power and profit." "Agrarian Justice," 1796, explained poverty as being a consequence of exploitation and the power of private property. It is a body of work that to that time in history may not have been matched in sheer audaciousness.
Paine was controversial in the colonies from the beginning. The author suggests that had his identity been known when "Common Sense" was published, that is, not being a member of the respected elite, that his writings may well have had a lesser hearing and impact. His advocacy of equality and democracy earned him the enmity of many elites, including John Adams. But his "Age of Reason," coming well after the U.S. achieved independence was far more harmful to his reputation and standing. Many who admired his republicanism were abhorred by his apparent turn towards religious infidelity. He died a scorned man.
The remainder of the book is concerned with the efforts of various groups over the next two centuries to overcome various forms of suppression or discrimination, many being led by individuals with varying degrees of knowledge of the work of Paine. Among those groups are "workingmen's advocates, abolitionists, freethinkers, suffragists, anarchists, populists, socialists, progressives, labor and community organizers, peace activists, and liberals." Among those the author attempts to connect to Paine are Lincoln, Walter Lloyd Garrison, Mark Twain, Eugene Debs, and FDR. In cycling through the struggles of these groups, the extent of Paine's influence is rather vaguely drawn. The author shows that in different eras Paine's reputation was either rising or falling: some writing laudatory biographies, some denigrating him; some trying to establish memorials and statues, others rejecting the same.
The author notes that in times of national crises, there is often a nostalgic turn to the founding. Even conservatives, who as a rule are less than fond of democracy and freethinking, are willing to invoke a carefully sanitized Paine, especially the Paine that is a strong advocate for liberty and new beginnings. Ronald Reagan at his nomination in 1980 famously recalled Paine's words: "We have it in our power to begin the world over again." More typical of conservatives, however, is Theodore Roosevelt's labeling of Paine as a "filthy little atheist." The author makes the assumption that Paine is a leading "Founding Father," the equal of Jefferson, Adams, or Washington. Perhaps it could be argued that though he certainly was a luminary of the period, his lack of holding legislative or executive positions undermines his inclusion at that level.
In addition, perhaps the author overstates Paine's radicalism, at least as understood in modern times. Paine was opposed to all-powerful governments and to excessive wealth, especially aristocratic wealth, and its potential to oppress. But he was fully in favor of commerce, which, when played out, can certainly result in great economic disparity. His time was before Marxian thought. The author's broad use of "radicalism" is seen in his contention that most all Americans have been radicals since Paine's time - a statement that begs to be explained. Americans are mindful of personal liberties and rights, certainly the right to vote as a part of formal democracy, but radical democratic measures, such as worker control of factories or the state, have seldom been advanced.
The book is an informative overview of Paine's life as a writer of controversial tracts, in addition to being an overview of many of the main movements in American society attempting to overcome discrimination or entrenched parts of the status quo in need of reform - often drastic. There is a degree of repetitiveness about the book, as the various groups are cycled through in brief fashion with only a tenuous attachment to Paine being established. Rather than showing a direct connection between Paine and those movements, what is more evident is that Paine-like individuals have frequently risen to the occasion in our history, though with mixed results and then disappearing from our collective consciousness, just like Paine. Book just slips in as a four-star book.
3 of 10 found the following review helpful:
 A Book to Avoid Jul 01, 2009
This is one of the weakest and poorly written books I have ever read. The author fails to present a clear biography of Paine, while failing to provide insight into Paine's writings.
The primary focus of the book is to take back Paine's writings for the author's political position. The author attempts to take writings from the 18th century and make them the basis for modern Marxism and Socialism. Besides the obvious problem with this anachronisitic approach, the author does not present his position logically.
There are gaps in the biographical timeline, salient behavioral facts are glossed over (Paine's inability to find secure employment), the author ignores Paine's acceptance of the excesses of the French revolution, the author makes excuses for Paine's return to the U.S., and there is a superficial treatment of Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. According to the author Thomas Paine was the American Revolution, no one else mattered. It was only Thomas Paine's words which brought victory; not the loans from Europe, not the continental army, and most certainly not the leadership of George Washington.
In addition, the author uses code words for progressive/socialist/radical thought, which deserves clearer definition for the reader. The book would be fine if one is blind to rigorous, thoughtful and rational discussion. If one accepts the radical dogma then this book will help keep the reader in a cocoon of ignorance. The author makes the most basic error of interpreting the writings from the 18th century from the position of the 1960s radical.
The book completely fails to prove the author's position, instead it reverts to a illogical syllogism -Thomas Paine was a great radical and I am a radical therefore I am great. The book reads like campaign literature for a socialist politician. The author takes excessive liberties with historical fact and he fails to back up his assertions. For example a radical of the 18th century cannot automatically be grouped with a radical of the 1960s just because both are called radicals. In the 18th century any form of representative democracy was radical, and one based on a citizenry of the average wage earner was even more radical.
This book is not worth reading, let alone purchasing. The book is an opinion piece, a collection of blog comments strung together with poor writing and worse grammar. There has to be better expressions of progressive thought than this book; if there is not than we should all be very worried.
2 of 9 found the following review helpful:
 Good Topic, Average Writing Nov 13, 2008
Thomas Paine was a luminary, and one of the (if not the) most forward-thinking of his era. I am sure there is a definitive biography out there, waiting to be written, that will give us the true depth of this man.
Unfortunately, this is not it. This book gives little insight that any reader of Paine's works could not have gleaned on his/her own. The writing style tends to the pedantic, with awkward sentences and trite constructions.
The book does give a good starting point for a scholar who might be interested in real research into Paine's life.
Bottom line - the book is worth reading if you can pick it up in a used bookstore.
2 of 5 found the following review helpful:
A great book with a hidden tragic story Mar 31, 2008
This book takes a surprising amount of time to read due to the 'hidden' density of the writing. It is a superlative history of one of our most important founding fathers. The impact of 'Common Sense' by Paine simply can hardly over stated. This book is not a dry or boring read, it simply takes more time than I had expected.
The gnawing knowledge that America largely ditched Paine after he dutifully served his purpose is disturbing. He contributed the proceeds from Common Sense to buy mittens for our troops. When imprisoned in France and marked for execution, precisely noyone rode to the rescue. The reason that Paine was largely forgotten is that he had acquired a reputation for not being a man of solid faith. In spite of a remarkable literary career, Paine was destined to die a poor man with a poorly attended funeral. It does seem that he liked to imbibe in the spirits more than he ought to have.
Teddy Roosevelt went on to describe Paine as a "filthy little athiest". He was actually none of the above.
Paine and Samuel Adams suffered the same fate. Both were men of tremendous talent with the pen. Both worked tirelessly. Both played inestimable roles in our freedom. Both tend to be forgotten by mainstream historians. Neither one was an aristocrat. Are historians largely elitist snobs?
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